Showing posts with label morality. Show all posts
Showing posts with label morality. Show all posts

Sunday, February 19, 2023

Summary of Moralists on Organ Playing Non-Catholic Services and Communicatio in Sacris

[3] Some authors do not give formal communication so wide an extent; they do not consider every active participation in a non-Catholic religious service as a formal communication. Vermeersch, for example, looks upon playing the organ as a form of proximate material co-operation [sic].[16] Since the majority of the moralists,[17] however, consider that action as a formal communication in non-Catholic worship, and since the Holy See has said it is never allowed,[18] there seems to be justification for including it under the general heading of formal communication. By reason of its part in the function, playing the organ at a religious service is to be classed as a specifically religious action.

This attitude of Vermeersch follows from a difference he notes between communication and participation. Both consist in taking part in the action of another, whether merely internally by intention [4] and desire, or externally, too. To his mind external communication is considered as formal, while external participation is reduced rather to co-operation, which in some matters can be formal or merely material, according to the intention.[19] There seems, however, to be no practical reason for this distinction in regard to our matter. To participate actively, even only externally, in a non-Catholic religious ceremony is  a formal communication. Therefore, communication and participation are used interchangeably in this study. [...]

[36] Per accidens intention and moral circumstances can become the primary sources of the morality of an human act.[3] When an act is indifferent morally from both its object and its circumstances, the only source of the morality of that act will be the intention for which it is done. For a person in every human act must act with some intention, which must be either morally good or morally bad. An act, which is morally indifferent by reason of its object, can also become good or bad by reason of one or more of the moral circumstances. In that case the circumstances assume the character of moral objects, and become accidentally the primary sources of the goodness or badness of the individual act. Thus, although the playing of an organ is morally indifferent in itself, when it is done as a part of a non-Catholic religious service, it becomes bad by reason of the circumstances making it an active participation in the non-Catholic religious service. [...]

[51] There is clearly a formal co-operation when there is question of a participation in what is essential in the service, as to receive the eucharist of heretics. An active participation in what is accidental in such worship, as singing, even though the hymns be orthodox in their content, or playing the organ in a religious service, is also a formal co-operation.[54] Such activity implies an approval of the cult, for it is intended to add beauty, attractiveness, and appeal to the service; this implication is inseparable from any subjective attitude of the one actively participating in accidentals. In other words, all accidental activity of a religious nature is as wrong, by reason of the circumstances, as that which is essentially a part of the service. Whatever activity in a non-Catholic service has a specifically religious character, whether by its nature, or by reason of the circumstances, is intrinsically wrong, as a profession of the belief of a false sect.[55] Since such activity in the exercise of idolatrous or false worship is intrinsically wrong, it cannot be reduced to merely material co-operation.[56] An objection cannot be made on the score that the sin of irreligion on the part of the non-Catholic is only material. Even if that is true, co-operation in it in a formal way is not licit. For one is never allowed to co-operate formally in something which is intrinsically wrong objectively. Although the other person may not be subjectively guilty of sin, the formal co-operator incurs the guilt of the virtues violated, for he does something he knows to be intrinsically wrong. [...]

[72] B. Singing or Playing Musical Instruments

Singing or playing musical instruments in non-Catholic religious services is an active participation, and, therefore, a formal communication. Concerning this point La Croix says that it is not licit to sing psalms together with non-Catholics in their churches or meetings, nor is it licit to play the organ or other musical instruments in their temples, because such things seem to be a public approbation of, or a scandalous communication in, sacred things.[53] The author of the Appendix to the article Fides in the Bibliotheca of Ferraris says that they ratify a false rite and cult, who play the organ or exercise the musical art in another way in churches of schismatics and heretics.[54] Kenrick holds that in this country those who sing hymns or play the organ in the churches of heretics become participants in the cult, and, therefore, betray their faith in some way.[55] [73] Konings states that to perform the office of organist, even only one or the other time, in the churches of heretics in their religious gatherings would be illicit, for it involves a communication in their religious rites or a formal co-operation.[56] Noldin-Schmitt,[57] Marc-Gestermann,[58] Prümmer,[59] Merkelbach,[60] and Aertnys-Damen[61] agree that singing or playing the organ in religious services is wrong, because each involves a participation in the cult. Noldin-Schmitt expressly call these actions formal communications in the worship.[62] Wouters makes the same judgment about playing the organ, but does not mention singing.[63] Lehmkuhl[64] and Augustine[65] call singing and playing the organ formal co-operations. Sabetti-Barrett consider singing in a non-Catholic religious service as an active part in the cult, and, therefore, intrinsically wrong.[66] In 1889 the Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith stated, with the approbation of Pope Leo XIII, that it is illicit to play the organ in the churches of heretics when they are exercising false cult there; the seriousness of this matter is made clear when it is remembered that this was a reply to a petition for permission to play the organ in Protestant churches on feast days so that the organist could provide for himself.[67]

Davis allows a Catholic organist to continue in his position in a non-Catholic church so long as he is in grave necessity, provided there is no serious scandal.[68] This opinion indicates that he looks upon this action as a form of proximate material co-operation. Vermeersch expressly states that he considers organ playing as a proximate [p. 74] material co-operation.[69] These opinions are too mild. In licit material co-operation there is required an action which is at least indifferent. Playing the organ in a non-Catholic service adds beauty, solemnity, and appeal to the worship, and as such is inseparable from the religious rite. Therefore in that circumstance it is intrinsically bad, and is a formal co-operation. Because of the strength of the intrinsic arguments for this opinion, and of the great weight of extrinsic authority favoring it, the view of Davis and Vermeersch is somewhat singular and exceptional, to say the least.

Sabetti-Barrett cite, without approval, an opinion that a Catholic may sing in non-Catholic services in a very rare case, when the following conditions are verified: (1) there is nothing contrary to the faith in the hymns; (2) there is no scandal or danger of perversion; (3) there is a most grave necessity. The reason given is that in these circumstances the malice seems to be, not on the part of the action, but on the part of other persons, and hence the co-operation is only material, and can be permitted for a just cause. On the other hand, Sabetti-Barrett believe that singing must be considered as an active part in non-Catholic worship, and intrinsically wrong. Hence it involves a formal co-operation, and the intention, or the grave necessity, of the singer cannot change the nature of the act placed in such circumstances.[70] It is difficult to see how singing in the religious services of non-Catholics can be viewed in any other way.

Regarding the singing in non-Catholic services, it makes no difference whether the hymns are orthodox or not.[71] Even if they are orthodox, they are used as a part of non-Catholic worship. Non-Catholic worship, even when it contains nothing false, is conducted in defiance of the Catholic Church, the only organization authorized by God to establish public worship. Vermeersch says that for Catholics to sing the Te Deum together with non-Catholics in a non-Catholic church as an expression of common joy, even when it has a religious signification, is not intrinsically wrong, although Catholics should not do it.[72]

[p. 75] It seems, however, that an action of this kind always has a religious signification, and hence it implies an approval of non-Catholic worship, and is an expression of religious indifference. It seems, therefore, to be wrong. The Holy See has allowed Catholic civil officials to assist only passively at non-Catholic religious celebrations commanded by the state at which the doxology was sung.[73] The mind of the Church is that Catholics have their religious celebrations separately in their own churches.[74]

Playing the organ, or other musical instruments in the course of a non-Catholic religious service, but not as a part, or as an ornament of it, will not constitute a religious participation, for example, to do so in honor of a non-Catholic king who is present.[75] Similarly, it contains no religious communication to play the organ or other musical instruments, or to sing hymns which are orthodox, for profane purposes in non-Catholic churches outside all occasion of cult.[76] The use of the church, however, brings in some co-operation, and there must be a proportionate reason present to justify such activity. For a Catholic to sing hymns containing errors in faith, even outside the occasion of a religious function, is a formal religious communication, as an external expression of wrong doctrine. This could apply to some negro spirituals. On the part of a Catholic organist accompanying such hymns there is a formal co-operation, because in the circumstance the music makes the external expression of wrong doctrine more appealing.

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Footnotes:

16. Op. cit., [Vermeersch, Theologiae Moralis Principia, Responsa, Concilia] Tom. II, n. 50, p. 41; n. 8, p. 124. Cf. Davis, Moral and Pastoral Theology, Vol. I, p. 286.

17. Noldin-Schmitt, op. cit., [Summa Theologiae Moralis] Tom. II, n. 39, 4, c, p. 40; Aertnys-Damen, Theologia Moralis, Tom. I, n. 314, II, Qu. 4, p. 236; Prümmer, Manuale Theologiae Moralis, Tom. I, n. 526, d), p. 372; DeMeester, op. cit., n. 1253, note 4, p. 154; Kenrick, Theologia Moralis, Tom. II, Tract. XIII, n. 37, p. 48; Konings, Theologia Moralis S. Alphonsi in Compendium Redacta, Vol. I, n. 313, 1, p. 142.

18. Col. S.C.P.F., Vol. II, n. 1713, p. 240.

19. Loc. cit., p. 41.


3. Aertnys-Damen, op. cit., Tom. I, n. 54, p. 50. Cf. I-II, q. 18, a. 9 and a. 11.


54. Cf. Augustine, A Commentary on Canon Law, Vol. VI, p. 197.

55. De Meester, op. cit., [Iuris Canonici et Iuris Canonica-civilis Compendium] Lib. III, Pars I, n. 1252, 2, pp. 153–154.

56. Konings, op. cit., Vol. I, n. 313, 1), p. 142. Cf. Genicot-Salsmans, Institutiones Theologiae Moralis, Tom. I, n. 198, p. 149.


53. Theologia Moralis, Tom. I, Lib. II, Tract. I, Cap. III, n. 68, p. 170.

54. Prompta Bibliotheca, art. Fides, Appendix, n. 57, Tom. III, col. 1137.

55. Op. cit., Tom. II, Tract. XIII, n. 37, p. 48.

56. Op. cit., Vol. I, n. 313, (1), p. 142.

57. Op. cit., Tom. II, n. 39, 4, c, p. 40.

58. Op. cit., Tom. I, n. 449, 6, p. 288.

59. Op. cit., Tom. I, n. 526, d, p. 372.

60. Op. cit., Tom. I, n. 758, (3), p. 586.

61. Op. cit., Tom. I, n. 314, I, Quaer. 4, p. 236.

62. Op. cit., Tom. II, n. 38, 2, p. 38.

63. Op. cit., Tom. I, n. 557, 5, p. 391.

64. Op. cit., Vol. I, n. 813, p. 450.

65. Op. cit., Vol. VI, p. 197.

66. Op. cit., n. 154, 10, pp. 159–160.

67. Epistola S. C. de Prop. Fide, July 8, 1889, Coll. S.C.P.F., Vol. II, n. 1713, p. 240.

68. Op. cit., Vol. I, p. 286.

69. Op. cit., Tom. II, n. 147, 8, p. 124.

70. Op. cit., n. 154, 10, pp. 159–160.

71. Prümmer, loc. cit.

72. Loc. cit., n. 147, 9, pp. 124–125.

73. Instructio S. C. S. Officii, May 12, 1841, Coll. S.C.P.F., Vol. I, n. 921, p. 519.

74. Cf. Littera Encyclica S. C. de Prop. Fide, April 25, 1902, Coll. S.C.P.F., Vol. II, n. 2136, p. 425.

75. Lehmkuhl, op. cit., Vol. I, n. 813, p. 450; Merkelbach, op. cit., Tom. I, n. 758, (3), note 2, p. 586.

76. Konings, op. cit., Vol. I, n. 313, (1), p. 142.

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Source: John R. Bancroft, "Communication in Religious Worship with Non-Catholics," PhD diss., (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1943), 3–4, 36, 51, 72–75.

Dom Augustine on Playing Organ in Non-Catholic Services (1921)

 [197] Difficulties may arise concerning coöperation [sic] in the divine services of Catholics who are employed by non-Catholics as singers or organists. Although we could find no specific decision with regard to Catholic singers at non-Catholic services, it is evident that the Church cannot tolerate such a formal coöperation, for to that it would certainly amount. Besides, if it is forbidden for a Catholic to play the organ at non-Catholic services—which has been formally decided[34]—it naturally follows that Catholics may not sing at such functions. The Church has been more lenient lately with regard to admitting non-Catholics as singers and organists at Catholic services. Thus, in 1889, the Holy Office wished the abuse to be eliminated as soon as possible, in 1906 it made a concession for Bulgaria, in favor of sisterhoods whose non-Catholic pupils were admitted to sing in their chapels.[35]

The present canon [c. 1258] only forbids active assistance at, or participation in, the religious services of non-Catholics. 

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Footnotes:

34. S. C. P. F., July 8, 1889 (n. 1713): "Cum ibi falsum cultum exercent." Exception might be made for school exercises or purely civil celebrations held in non-Catholic churches, provided they have no religious feature attached; for in that case there would be no "exercise of false worship."

35. S. O., May 1, 1889; Jan. 24, 1906 (Coll. P. F., n. 1703, 2227).

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Source: P. Charles Augustine, A Commentary on the New Code of Canon Law (St. Louis, MO: B. Herder Book Co., 1921), 6:197.

Francis J. Connell on Co-Operation of Catholics in Non-Catholic Religious Activities (excerpt) (1956)

[2] However, the chief problems connected with the association of Catholics with persons of other religions center about religious communication and co-operation. These two terms are not synonymous, [3] as used in theology. Communication in sacris signifies participation in public (official) non-Catholic religious rites. This is active when it involves a real participation in the functions, such as the reception of the sacraments, singing or organ-playing, joining in the prayers, etc. [emphasis mine] It is passive when it consists of one's mere presence at the service without any active participation. The rules for religious communication are thus expressed in the Code of Canon Law:

1. It is never lawful for the faithful to assist actively in any way or to take part in the religious rites of non-Catholics.

2. Passive, or merely material presence can be tolerated, by reason of civil duty or honor, for a grave reason, to be approved by the Bishop in case of doubt, at the funerals, marriages and similar solemnities of non-Catholics, provided there is no danger of perversion and scandal.[6]

However, the purpose of the series of articles now beginning is to consider problems of co-operation, rather than communication, on the part of Catholics in the religious activities of non-Catholics. Co-operation has a wider scope than communication. There are many ways of co-operation in religious matters without being present at religious functions. Decisions of the Holy See have given directions regarding many of the problems of co-operation in non-Catholic religious activities; but many others are left to the judgment of theologians and canonists. In the United States such problems are numerous at the present day; hence, it is my purpose to discuss a number of such problems, in the hope that this discussion may be helpful to our priests, so often confronted with questions of this nature. I shall be grateful if my brother-priests who read these articles and have encountered some unusual cases pertinent to this type of co-operation will send them to me for inclusion in this series.

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Footnotes:

6. Can. 1258.

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Source: Francis J. Connell, Co-Operation of Catholics in Non-Catholic Religious Activities (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1956), 2–3.

This booklet is reprinted from The American Ecclesiastical Review 134 (1956).

Communicatio in sacris

Monday, August 8, 2022

Dances at Parties for Benefit of Churches (1934)

[537] Qu. 1. Sometimes at a garden party held for the benefit of the parish a dance is given by a parish society in the parish hall and the proceeds are donated to the parish. Is this practice in conflict with the prohibition of dances under church auspices?

2. Are only public dances held for that purpose forbidden, or are also dances held in private houses, but promoted in order to obtain funds for the church? Can you indicate the canons of the Code to substantiate your answer?

Resp. In both the decree of 31 March, 1916,[1] and the [538] declaration to this decree, 10 December, 1917,[2] the Sacred Consistorial Congregation forbids priests "to promote and foster" (promoveant et foveant) dances. It is difficult to see how such dances may be held in parish property unless the pastor gives his approval. One must therefore conclude that the practice described above is forbidden. It is true, by questionable casuistry, some priest may cleverly (?) direct the society to proceed "without his knowledge and consent" to hold the dances; and thus pretend that he is not at fault. Actually, however, this ruse deceives no one, not even himself.

2. The two documents referred to above make no distinction as to the place where the proscribed dances for the benefit of a church are to be held. Without distinction they forbid all priests to promote them and even to be present at them, if the dances are arranged for by lay persons.

There is no explicit mention of this prohibition in the Code. At most (if the words "Ad decimarum et primitiarum solutionem" may be taken in a wide sense), it would come under canon 1502, since the condemned practice is anything but a "laudable" custom. Directly, however, this prohibition derives from the above decree of the Consistorial Congregation. Although it antedates the Code, it nevertheless remains in force as a particular rule not contrary to the canons. It is moreover not a mere disciplinary regulation, but rather a condemnation and proscription of a practice that is an abuse.

The decree and the declaration in regard to it were issued only for the United States and Canada. As such they do not oblige other countries.

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Footnotes:

1. Acta. Ap. Sedis, VIII (1916), 147-148; Ecclesiastical Review, LXV (1916), 69-70.

2. Acta. Ap. Sedis, X (1918), 17; Ecclesiastical Review, (1918), 537.

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Source: "Dances at Parties for Benefit of Churches," Ecclesiastical Review 90, no. 5 (May 1934): 537–538.

"Dancing Priests" and the Council of Baltimore (1919)

[445] A zealous pastor who frowns upon dancing among Catholics because the practice, much like card-playing and brandy, has a bad name, comments adversely upon the answer given in the August number of the REVIEW under the heading "Priests and Dancing Parties". He holds that dancing parties, even for good objects promoting religion or piety, are an abuse, and that the proceeds of such entertainments is "tainted" money, which a priest may not accept for religious purposes. In support of this view a canon from the Council of Baltimore is cited: "Mandamus quoque ut sacerdotes illum abusum, quo convivia parantur cum choreis [balls] ad opera pia promovenda, omnino tollendum current."

We have in the many instances when discussing the question directed attention to the distinction between dances that are a danger to morals, and dancing as a popular amusement indulged in for recreation. The latter is not illicit, though it has its dangers for the individual. Certain methods and functions connected with balls violate decency and modesty and are therefore forbidden by the moral law. In some cases dancing, like wine and card-playing, becomes a direct occasion of sin, against which Christians are to be warned. On the principal that "Qui amat periculum in illo peribit," the Church as the guardian of morals formulates definite precautions against the peril of sin, and this is the object of the Council of Baltimore when it forbids convivia cum choreis. [446] What the Bishops of the Plenary Council forbid is not dancing, but a certain class of dancing parties protracted into the night after banqueting, when the bodies and the imaginations of the participants are heated to the danger point of passion. "Convivia cum choreis", when they constitute an abuse, are very different things from dancing as a mere amusement. Glycerine has a soothing and healing virtue, though in connexion [sic] with certain chemicals it becomes an explosive calculated to destroy health and life. So here. In medio virtus.

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Source: "'Dancing Parties' and the Council of Baltimore," Ecclesiastical Review 61, no. 4 (Oct. 1919): 445–446.

Priests and Dancing Parties (1919)

 [200] Qu. Will you kindly answer the following questions:

1. Does the prohibition regarding dances extend to institutions under the supervision of religious, such as orphanages, hospitals, etc., when these institutions arrange entertainments, bazaars, lawn parties, etc., for the benefit of their upkeep?

[201] 2. May the different committees or societies or sodalities which have booths for these institutions or for a church benefit at such entertainment, permit dances in connexion [sic] with the event in order to swell the proceeds?

3. May a pastor receive for church uses, funds which he knows to be the result of dances under the auspices of said societies, especially when he knows of the arrangement in advance, though he is not directly connected with such amusements?

Resp. Dancing in itself is not an illicit amusement, though it has its dangers for the individual. Certain dances, or methods connected with them, which plainly violate decency and modesty, are forbidden by the moral law, and whatever tends to these practices is to be prevented like all other moral wrong in the flock, by the prudent foresight of the pastor charged with the care of souls.

Since it is not always possible for the priest personally to determine the actual line at which decorum is overstepped, or to anticipate possible acts calculated to scandalize sensitive consciences, his presence at such amusements may easily start criticism and scandal without his being responsible for or even capable of censuring it in the individual. For this reason the ecclesiastical authorities forbid priests to promote or be present at such diversions. (S. C. Consist., 10 Dec. 1917.) To refuse, however, to permit these dances or to regard the proceeds of dancing parties organized for charitable purposes as "tainted money" which a priest may not accept, would be to pronounce the dancing under the circumstances as immoral, which is not true. Those who, as Catholics, promote the parties are obliged to safeguard their enterprise as far as possible from becoming a source of sin or scandal. And priests as well as other religious instructors are bound to present this obligation to their charges.

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Source: "Priests and Dancing Parties," Ecclesiastical Review 61, no. 2 (Aug. 1919): 200–201.

Dancing at a Concert for Benefit of Church (1918)

 [323] Qu. Would you kindly answer the following question in the next issue of your REVIEW? May I give permission to the Catholics of my parish to give a concert for the benefit of our new church, knowing that the concert includes a dnace?

Resp. As this query comes from a far-off clime we presume that the inquirer has not seen the question of dancing at Church celebrations discussed in the pages of the REVIEW. Briefly, then, for his benefit, and that of others to whom a reminder may not be untimely, the decree of 31 March, 1916, renewing the provisions of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore, forbids two things: first, that priests should organize or "get up" ("promovere vel fovere") dances, even when such dances are for the benefit of the Church or for some other pious purpose; second, when such dances are organized by others, the priest is forbidden to be present. To give permission for a concert at which the pastor knows that there will be dancing will or will not fall under the first of these prohibitions according to circumstances. In most cases, we think it would.

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Source: "Dancing at a Concert for Benefit of Church," Ecclesiastical Review 58, no. 3 (March 1918): 323.

Promulgation of New Decrees (1916)

 [192] Qu. Does the new decree in regard to dancing bind pastors as soon as it is made known through the Catholic press, even if the Ordinary has not promulgated it in the diocese?

Resp. Since 1909, to make a Roman law or decree binding in foro externo it is sufficient that it be published in the Acta Apostolicae Sedis. The publication of a document in that periodical takes the place of the dispatch of an official copy to the bishops, as was the custom before 1909. The presumption is that a decree enacted and promulgated by the Holy See will be put into execution by the Ordinary. If, in exceptional cases, for reasons which he must make known to the Holy See, he suspends the application of a Roman decree, he [193] must expressly notify his diocese. A clergyman therefore who reads a decree in the Acta, or who, through the Catholic press, knows that it is published in the Acta, is bound, without further notification, by the provisions which it enacts.

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Source: "Promulgation of New Decrees," Ecclesiastical Review 55, no. 2 (August 1916): 192–193.

The Decree On Dancing (1916)

 [193] Qu. In the small country parish in which I am stationed, the people have been accustomed to dance at our church picnics. The dances in vogue, however, were the old-fashioned country, or square, dances. Recently, after I had prohibited dancing at the annual picnic, a delegation of young men asked me to give them permission to hold a free dance in the parish hall, for the use of which they would pay a small fee. In the event of not getting permission, they would, they told me, hold the dance in the town hall, some distance from the church. After giving the matter some thought, and for the reason that it is better to have the dance under some kind of parochial control, I decided to let them have the hall. Now I would like to have your answer to the following questions:

1. Does the phrase "certain dances" apply to all dances whatsoever, or only to some?

2. Is a pastor permitted to visit the hall during the dancing, to see that it is orderly and that the dances are conformable to Christian modesty?

3. Is a pastor justified in permitting the dances in the parish hall in order to keep a certain control over them, it being understood that there is no thought of thereby raising funds for religious purposes?

Resp. 1. The answer to the first query is that all kinds of dances, no matter how old-fashioned or "harmless", are meant. The phrase "certain dances" occurs in the title of the decree, "Decretum circa quasdam choreas"; but it is evident from the use of the word "choreas" in the text of the decree that we must translate: "Decree concerning certain dancing-parties". The decree makes no distinction between new dances and old, between square dances and round; it does, however, distinguish between dancing-parties that are given under church auspices and those organized by laymen. The former kind are forbidden, no matter the program of dances may be.

2. In regard to the second question, we think that the text of the decree clearly prohibits the pastor's presence at dancing[194]-parties organized by lay people. The motive, namely, "to see that the party is orderly, etc.", does not justify his presence. Of course, if grave disorder should occur in a dance-hall and the pastor were summoned thither in the performance of his duty, the present decree need not deter him from entering the hall.

3. There may be room for discussion of the third question. The decree positively forbids the promotion and encouragement of such entertainments on the part of members of the clergy, religious or diocesan: "quonimus memoratas choreas promoveant et foveant"; at the same time, when it comes to the case of such entertainments being organized by lay people, the decree does not say that the pastor should interpose his authority, and forbid them, but enacts that he should not be present. Does the renting of the parish hall amount to a mere tolerance or is it promoting and encouraging? In a thoroughly Catholic community, where there is no danger of the priest's attitude being misunderstood, especially if the entertainment be not associated with a church picnic, excursion, or any other church affair organized by the priest, it seems that, since there is no authoritative interpretation of the decree on this point, the priest may rent the church hall for an entertainment organized by lay people, even when he knows that dancing is part of the program.

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Source: "The Decree on Dancing," Ecclesiastical Review 55, no. 2 (August 1916): 193–194.

What is Considered Indecent Dress of Women by the Supreme Authority of the Church? (1930)

[1328] Question: I there any authoritative statement of the Holy  See as to what constitutes indecent dress of women? It is evident that effective action against unchristian fashions for women can be had only if one can point out with precision things that are judged indecent by the Church. —VERITAS

Answer: Yes, there is such an authoritative statement. Recently one of our correspondents has kindly sent us a copy of a leaflet published by the Central Bureau of the Catholic Central Verein, with the Imprimatur of the Most Rev. John J. Glennon, Archbishop of St. Louis. In this leaflet there are translated from the Instruction of the Sacred Congregation of the Council, January 12, 1930 (cfr. THE HOMILETIC AND PASTORAL REVIEW, April, 1930, pp. 757-759), those points which the Holy See wants the bishops to attend to in an effort to stop the spread of indecent fashions for women. So earnest is the Holy See about this matter that it requires the bishops to state in their quinquennial report on the state of their dioceses what they have done to counteract this evil. Furthermore, the above-mentioned leaflet draws attention to the fact that the aforesaid Instruction incorporates by reference a letter of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, August 23, 1928, to the religious communities of women in the City of Rome conducting girls' schools. In that letter specific directions are given as to what the Holy See considers unbecoming dress for Catholic women and girls. We quote from the leaflet: "In order that uniformity of understanding prevail in all institutions of religious women regarding the cases in which the aforecited [sic] prescriptions of the Congregation of Religious apply, we recall that a dress cannot be called decent which is cut deeper than two fingers' breadth under the pit of the throat, which does not cover the arms at least to the elbows, and scarcely reaches a bit beyond the knees. Furthermore, dresses of transparent material are improper, as also flesh-colored stockings, which suggest the legs being bare."

The reader can judge for himself how many of the Catholic ladies, young and old, contradict the teaching of the Supreme Authority of the Church in their manner of dressing, not only in the streets, but even in our churches and when approaching Holy [1329] Communion. The spirit of liberty in its exaggerated form, and the lack of delicacy of Christian modesty lost through contact with life in the midst of an overwhelmingly large neo-pagan population that is mostly Christian in name only, have made even ordinarily good Catholic women and young ladies unconscious of the indecency of modern dress and its offense against public Christian morality. It will require a country-wide concerted effort of the Catholic Church in the United States to bring back to them the Christian sense of modesty, not by impatient scolding and severe condemnation and penalties, but by persistent and uniform teaching of the high sense of morality evidenced in the lives of the Saints and the vast majority of our Catholic ancestors.

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Source: Stanislaus Woywod, OFM, LLB, "What is Considered Indecent Dress of Women by the Supreme Authority of the Church?" The Homiletic and Pastoral Review 30, no. 12 (Sept. 1930): 1328–1329.

 https://archive.org/details/sim_homiletic-pastoral-review_1930-09_30_12/page/1328/mode/2up

Dancing Parties Under "Catholic" Auspices (1916)

[84] Dancing Parties Under "Catholic" Auspices.

The current "Analecta" contains a document of special importance from the S. Congregation of Consistory. Its purpose is to enforce the decree of the Third Plenary Council of Baltimore which prohibits "entertainments" with balls for the purpose of promoting pious projects—"convivia cum choreis". The "provida mens" of the Bishops in Council assembled not only forbade such entertainments but enjoined the pastors to do what they could to prevent them. "Mandamus quoque ut sacerdotes illum abusum, quo convivia parantur cum choreis (balls) ad opera pia promovenda, omnino tollendum current" (Conc. Plen. Balt. III. cap. V, n. 290).

How far ecclesiastical superiors may be responsible for the neglect of the decree is not easy to determine; but the fact that Catholic papers in various parts openly advertise such entertainments would indicate that no particular censorship has been exercised in the matter. A primary qualification of fitness of a Catholic editor is or should be the ability to exercise intelligent responsibility in safeguarding, besides knowing, the diocesan laws. Catholic editors may have been guided in such matters by priests who overlooked these laws. Some of them have been foreigners, and diocesan statutes, much less the Baltimore Councils, were not their normal guides. So the matter went on until we had a "custom" against which an individual voice and even the local Ordinaries found it difficult to raise a successful protest. Now the protest has come, apparently from Canada, whose border parishes have been invaded by the usage tolerated in the United States. It will be difficult to abandon it, at least without creating the discontent that turns hundreds who are bound by the chains of social [85] obligations away from the sacraments or the Church and religion. But the Holy See has made it clear that our tolerance has been amiss.

Once more we may be allowed to call attention to the conduct of the Catholic press. There has been a good deal of discussion recently about the duties of Catholic editors and about the support our people owe to Catholic periodicals. Some years ago the REVIEW published a paper on this subject. We reprint it in part here because it may be suggestive. The excuse of editors that "the priests should advise us in such matters" is puerile. A journalist has no right to assume the editorship of a Catholic paper unless he knows and is prepared to defend the laws of the Church, if need be even independently or against the practice of the priests. Says the writer referred to in the ECCLESIASTICAL REVIEW:

When a brother custodian of "Religion's sacred fires" guards his trust according to his own conscience, even though is methods differ from mine, I may have no right to find fault. But if the smoke of those "fires" blows in my direction, to the detriment of my discipline and the confusion of my flock, surely my giving some account of the faith that is in me, cannot be construed into any assumption on my part of superior wisdom or piety, or as meddlesome impertinence.

Now I wonder how Catholic papers can consistently and conscientiously make a practice of publishing emblazoned accounts of dances and balls given by Catholic societies and under Catholic auspices. Catholic papers, persistently and rightly, I think, insist on the importance of the apostolate of the Catholic press. While the readers of Catholic papers may not accept as doctrine every salutary statement they see in a Catholic paper, most of them will, probably, accept as "gospel truth" from which there is no appeal, any declaration or suggestion favoring greater amplitude in a matter of coveted liberties.

Some time ago one of my Reverend neighbors was reported as having declared that his parishioners might dance all they wished. Knowing by experience that this man weighs the moral bearing of his words, I felt entirely safe in absolutely denying the report as it stood, and I soon found that he had said nothing of the kind. Such a declaration from a pastor would, it seems to me, unnecessarily encourage a practice which, given the reins, soon runs to the devil, and would considerably embarrass parents who conscientiously keep their sons and daughters away from such places of amusement.

[86] But if such a declaration from a pastor were imprudent, is not the publication of such amusements in a Catholic paper likewise imprudent? Let a pastor see fit publicly to denounce dancing in his parish, while his hearers read reports in Catholic papers, of balls and dances under Catholic auspices, and they will probably conclude that their pastor is rather old-fashioned or fanatical, too young or too old to know better.

Of course, there is no dearth of authority, sacred and profane, ancient as well as modern, in support of the pastor's position. Several Councils of the Church have anathematized dances, and the Council of Laodicea forbade them even at weddings. The Council of Trent (sess. XXII. c. 1. De ref.) forbids clerics under pain of ecclesiastical censure to be even present at any. The good and learned St. Charles Borromeo called dances "a circle of which the devil is the centre [sic] and his slaves the circumference". St. John Chrysostom denounced them as "a school for impure passions". Many more similar texts might be adduced. Nor are these at variance with Holy Scripture, which says anent this subject, among other uncomplimentary things: "Use not much the company of her that is a dancer, lest thou perish ["] (Ecclus. 9: 4).

Should it be suspected that the saints are not competent judges in a matter of this kind, profane and heathen authors may be found galore to testify to the same effect. Sallust, for instance, himself a dancer, and anything but a saint, declared of a certain Roman lady, that "she danced too well for an honest woman". Even applied in our day these words are not without some truth, at least.

Certainly, there is no disputing the theory that dancing under favorable circumstances may be tolerated, and that even waltzing may be done decently. Yet may we not say, in the words of Dr. Cook, author of Satan in Society, that waltzes at their best are, to put it mildly, "subversive of that modest reserve and shyness, which in all ages has proved the true aegis of virtue"? Whence one might ask, has Terpsichore the right, under the palliating title of "fashionable grip", to sanction liberties and poses that would be accounted rude indecencies, to say the least, under any other auspices?

Of course so long as theory says that some dances may be innocent, on goes the dance—the St. Vitus's dance, the Tam O'Shanter dance, and the innocent dance. But it is one thing, quietly and restrictedly to tolerate dancing, and quite another thing to herald and trumpet such toleration to a public only too apt and eager to accept the liberty and ignore the restriction. (C. P. B.)

Such toleration, however, cannot be identified with the sanction given to public and fashionable dancing in connexion [sic] with Catholic charities or educational enterprises, in which [87] while we offer to Catholics aid and instruction with one hand, we press them down with the other to the low level in which they breathe sensual amusement. The advertisement of such amusements is not mere toleration.

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Source: J.F.S., "Dancing Parties under 'Catholic' Auspices," Ecclesiastical Review 55, no. 1 (July 1916): 84–87.

Thursday, May 20, 2021

Eugene Devlin, SJ, "Character Formation in the Ratio Studiorum" (1953)

[213] In the words of Fr. Martín the Ratio's distinction lies in its spirit and method.[1] If spirit may be taken in the sense of animating principles then a characteristic principle of the Ratio is that mind and will be trained in one relation. The Ratio considered development of intellectual capacity inadequate and unrealistic unless the will was at the same time strengthened in good. The end product of training in such a system was not only an educated man but a man of virtue and character as well. Hence, as Farrell states, "a theology of sanctification and salvation is intrinsic to the system."[2]

St. Ignatius no less pointedly expressed the purpose of the Society in the direction of schools.

Let these schools be conducted in such a way that the students are solidly formed in Christian doctrine . . . and let care be taken, that while learning literature they also learn to act in a way worthy of a Christian.[3]

And further on he writes:

Every effort should be made to ensure that those who frequent our schools in search of learning should at the same time acquire a knowledge of what is rightly expected of a gentleman and a Christian.[4] 

It was clear that the framers of the Ratio did not intend to formulate a detailed and specific program for character development from the psychological viewpoint. Only in one edition, the Ratio of 1586, was particular mention made of the psychological content underlying its directives. Consequently, it was necessary to infer principles valid for a psychological approach to character formation from various rules covering organization, curriculum and method. The problem of the investigation [214] was, therefore, to discover whether there were in the Ratio Studiorum certain distinctive psychological principles which effectively contribute to a school program of character development.

Psychological principles were understood to be certain fundamental sources of human activity flowing from man's nature as a composite being. Such principles included imagination, memory, intellect, emotions, and will. Character formation was defined as a directed and purposeful training of the student's intellectual and volitional powers to assist him to acquire worthwhile ideals, self-control through a disciplined will, suitable moral habits, emotional control, and moral integrity. An objective character program is one which takes into account the demands of the student's psychological nature in its supernatural as well as natural aspects. 

The procedure used in the present investigation was that of documentary analysis. The rules of the Ratio were analyzed in the light of fundamental psychological principles of Scholastic philosophy. the material for the analysis was taken principally from the official edition of the Ratio Studiorum of 1599. The editions of 1586, 1591, 1832, and the works of Jesuit educators of the past and present were used as supplementary guides for interpretation.

At the outset certain definite factors of a psychological nature were accepted as basic for an objective school character program. These factors were moral instruction; development of worthy ideals; will training; acquisition of correct moral habits; and constructive school discipline. The basis for accepting these particular elements was a survey of representative contributions of contemporary Catholic and secular authorities to the field of character education. These factors constituted the guiding norms for the investigation of the Ratio's character program.

Moral instruction. In the Ratio moral principles were taught primarily through the medium of the religion class. The aim of religious instruction was to awaken in Jesuit students a just pride in the heritage of their Faith and at the same time to equip them with the intellectual ability to solve for themselves the social, moral, and religious problems of life. Religious instruction was authoritative and practical. It sought to establish strong personal convictions about the teachings of Christian faith which would result in conscious and deliberate application to conduct. The aim of the program was, in short, to produce men who as a result of informed convictions would be able to contribute through influence, service and example to the upbuilding of God's kingdom on earth.[5]

Religion was meant to be a vital force cutting across every aspect of [215] student activity. At his entrance into the school the student accepted a double responsibility, namely, to tend to intellectual and moral perfection. Ambition, desire, social prestige and material advancement were to be regulated by religious principles.[6] Consequently, a systematic attempt was made to develop the spiritual side of the student's character. Religious practices included regular attendance at Mass, sermons, the reception of the Sacrament of the Eucharist and regular confession.[7] The framers of the Ratio were conscious of the importance of the role of divine grace in building firm moral character and found these practices and effective means to secure it.

In addition to formal instruction the environment of the Jesuit school was a powerful indirect force for religious training. It was intended to create an encouraging background for transforming Catholic thought and culture in the practice of virtue and religious perfection. The example of teachers was enlisted to intensify the religious outlook of students by showing them a concrete and living expression of adherence to Christian moral principles. Care was taken to make the formation of religious habits natural and spontaneous rather than forced and artificial.[8]

Another characteristic of the Ratio was its insistence on the ancient classics as a medium for imparting abiding and universal values. The framers of the Ratio realized that one of the first steps in the Christianization of youth is to make it human and spiritual. From an intimate contact with the classical culture carried out under Christian auspices they hoped to give students a true appreciation of the spiritual values which are the foundation of realistic moral training.[9]

The study of the Latin and Greek classics was a practical means for providing students with a first-hand account of the virtues and failings of pagan culture. Teachers were encouraged to make every reasonable effort to compare the life, philosophy and morals of ancient civilization with the supernatural and eternal values of Christian teachings. Early Christian writers and selections from the Latin and Greek Fathers were recommended to express simply and forcefully the intrinsic nobility and superiority of Christian living.[10] Contact with the classics was considered a practical method for developing in students the ability to evaluate on a sound moral basis the ways of men, to approve the punishment of the wicked, to appreciate the wisdom of the wise.[11]

[216] Development of ideals. Training for character begins with knowledge of true and worthy ideals of conduct. These ideals are types of excellence, spiritual values, duties, obligations of life, incentives to moral conduct which are meant to be actualized through the activity of intellect and will. The Ratio provided the student with a picture of what he should be and how he should act. Its rules pictured for him a practical ideal type of gentleman and Christian.[12] The early Jesuit educators were convinced that religion was the richest source of compelling ideals and worthy moral examples. The religious ideal was considered essential. The rules mentioned it frequently as the primary source of all ideals and the guiding norm for the process of character formation.[13]

The teacher was given an important and direct role in the process of communicating worthy ideals. The Ratio expected him to find occasion, in the ordinary teaching process, to instill in his students love for God, respect for authority, devotion to the virtues of Christian life. Outside the classroom he was urged to find frequent opportunity to encourage a spirit of practical piety and a desire for religious ideals.[14]

In a variety of ways the Jesuit student was reminded that the practice of virtue was an integral part of his social life. School regulations were intended not only as a corrective but also to direct external actions according to a pattern which proved to be an accurate reflection of Christian moral and social ideals. Virtue and integrity in conduct was considered no less important than achievement in literature and learning.[15]

The communication of worthwhile ideals has a direct influence on the evolution of correct moral habits. The essential thing in forming habits of conduct is not just the repetition of an act but the assimilation of an ideal value. This principle was recognized in the Ratio.[16] The work recommended to the Jesuit teacher was to unveil those values which are basic to the concept of an educated, Christian gentleman. The curriculum itself was a practical medium for bringing students into contact with spiritual values such as the true, the good, the beautiful. The particular aspect under which these appear in a given subject need not prevent the teacher from linking them in the minds of his students with their supreme and perfect fulfillment, God. This is to make the aim of [217] learning to rethink the thoughts of God. In and out of the classroom the Ratio sought to provide the social-divine atmosphere in which such ideals could flourish.[17]

One of the chief values the Ratio strove to build up in students was a right sense of personal dignity. The framers of the Ratio realized that as self is at the core of human actions a balanced sense of personal dignity is an essential requirement for right conduct. In its disciplinary directives, in provision for emulation and rivalry in the classroom the Ratio kept the ideal of personal dignity before the student and expected him to make it a chief rule of conduct.[18] Through the medium of the drama, from carefully staged pageants to informal class dialogs, the concept of personal dignity received forceful expression in the lives of worthy men and women of classical times, in the saints of the Christian era, and in the life of Jesus Christ the perfect model.[19]

Will training. To actualize high  moral principles a necessary condition is a strengthened and developed will. The rules of the Ratio contained the essential elements for a systematic procedure of successful will training. As is clear form its directives for external conduct, study, and religious exercises, the Ratio took the realistic view that intelligent appreciation of moral principles and ideals must be reinforced by effective volitional practice.

Whatever is voluntary is done on account of some good to be derived from the action. The first motive of the will is its tendency to happiness. The special objective proposed by the Ratio was to train students to distinguish happiness from mere pleasure, to realize that utility and mere temporal happiness are by no means ultimate tests of what is good and honorable.[20] Consequently, the student was encouraged to act deliberately and in conformity with the moral principles which he had learned to accept.

Class and extra-curricular experiences, in particular, gave wide scope to the practice of virtue, responsibility, and self-control.[21] In addition, the scholarship requirements of these early Jesuit schools made severe and exacting demands on student perseverance. Penalties for inaccuracy and lack of effort were made purposely severe to act as an effective deterrent to unscholarly attitudes. Recitations and class exercises were [218] carried out in a high spirit of rivalry which provided a constant incentive to individual application and initiative.[22]

An important element in the process of will training is motivation. Character motivation in the Ratio was both natural and supernatural. Normal healthy desire for success and reputation was used to good effect. Students were encouraged to observe school regulations from the motive of honor and hope of reward than from fear of punishment. Honor and praise were judged practical and proper means to encourage the practice of virtue. Such motives, however, were to be used in moderation and always in due subordination to the demands of justice and religion.[23]

The most highly regarded motivation was centered on religion. Precept, example, suggestion and private conversations were some of the practical methods used to impress on the student the importance of religion as a realistic and central value for life conduct. The work of the classroom was consecrated to God by prayer. The class teacher was urged to follow up instruction in Christian doctrine by personal contact whose object was to instill practical piety and devotion. The religious motive was given prominence in ordinary school experiences wherever possible—in the practice of public and private devotion, in devoted reception of the Sacraments, in the exercise of virtue and the elimination of faults.[24] In this connection mention should be made of the practice of the daily examination of conscience which was recommended to all students. As a spiritual and psychological device for checking bad habits and building habits of virtue its worth has long been recognized.[25]

Another realistic outlet for will training was the Sodality with its several academies. The Sodality was the principal extra-curricular activity recommended by the Ratio.[26] These honor societies in the Jesuit school served to effectively integrate intellectual and volitional aspects of student development by encouraging high spiritual ideals and by intensifying activity in intellectual and moral fields.[27] While satisfying the normal adolescent tendency for group activity they were at the same time a practical medium for translating religion into action.

Habits. The formation of worthwhile volitional habits is also basic to the psychological process of character formation. As Castiello has [219] confirmed experimentally, habits of this type will not be effectively reduced to action unless the student has assimilated appropriate intellectual or moral ideals.[28] The contribution of the Ratio with respect to such ideals has already been determined. The same experimenter adduced another important conclusion. Moral habits, as essentially interior forms, are greatly determined by the kind of environment in which they are evolved. An environment which is forced, artificial, and incapable of arousing the immanent powers of will and intellect will not prove a satisfactory milieu for the evolution of lasting moral habits. The whole spirit and atmosphere of the early Jesuit school was opposed to the formation of habits which were the result of mere repetition of externally imposed acts. Instead, it encouraged action which was the result of spontaneous, deliberate choice according to previously adopted ideals.[29]

The regulations of the Ratio covering individual conduct were directed toward the cultivation of habits of responsibility and self-mastery. The principle behind these directives implied intelligent, free obedience from reasonable motives rather than mechanically or through fear.[30] Habits of devotion were formed by daily attendance at Mass, regular reception of the Sacraments, prescribed prayers and continual encouragement to the practice of virtue.[31] The Jesuit classroom also had its role in forming intellectual and moral habits. through exacting class regulations and teaching procedures students were trained to face problems and assignments in logical and orderly fashion. Teachers were admonished to promote good study habits and to provide opportunities to acquire habits of industry and perseverance.[32]

The activity of the classroom was considered a practical outlet for exercising responsibility. Students were chosen to handle much of the routine work of the classroom. Individual responsibility was also exercised in the organization and conduct of scholastic contests. The spirit of rivalry which was promoted between classes and different sections of the same class was a dynamic and practical exercise for building habits of self-control and virtue.[33] The direction and government of the Sodality and the literary academies was left substantially to the control of student officers and members. These organizations had prescribed [220] objectives and their activity was regulated by a definite set of rules which revealed a realistic and well-balanced outlook toward the development of student self-mastery.[34]

The role of the teacher in encouraging the development of habits received emphasis in the Ratio. Its directives to teachers take account of the natural tendency of adolescents to imitate the actions of their instructors. Jesuit teachers by profession and religious training were expected to furnish a high degree of the inspiration needed to make the practice of virtue appealing to adolescents. Their personal influence and the example of their religious life was meant to evoke in students a generous impulse to acquire the same habits and to practice the same virtues. The character of the Jesuit teacher was intended to reflect a well-balanced combination of natural and supernatural virtue and worthy social and moral habits.[35]

Constructive discipline. The Ratio recognized the value of discipline as a constructive force in the formation of character. It found no justification for the theory that the student should be permitted to follow impulses and inclinations without restraint. Consequently, its disciplinary legislation was intended to exercise a moderate but realistic restraining force on student conduct.

It was characteristic of the Ratio's outlook on discipline to encourage a reasoned, deliberate response to school regulations. The advantages to be gained from external order and uniformity did not justify rigid and mechanical enforcement of rules. In discipline as in studies the Ratio sought to make emulation and hope of honor the practical corrective.[36] Teachers were admonished to avoid the use of fear as a motive for securing obedience. They were encouraged, instead, to become acquainted with their students in order to win their conformity from respect and devotion.[37] Where punishment had to be assigned for some offense the teacher was recommended to impose literary tasks. If such methods did not prove sufficient, and, as a last resort corporal punishment was judged necessary, he was never to administer it himself but send a boy to the Corrector, a non-religious officer appointed for the purpose.[38] By this moderate policy the Ratio sought to teach the naturally impulsive adolescent the need for restraint in the use of individual liberty without at the same time arousing resentment for all authority.

The Ratio's disciplinary legislation was entrusted to the principal, or, [221] where necessary, to an administrative assistant, the prefect of discipline, and to the class teacher. The principal was charged with the obligation of governing the school in such a way that students might attain the Society's double education goal, intellectual and moral perfection. With respect to discipline this meant the general supervision of order and regularity in the school. He was to be especially vigilant for discipline during periods of recreation, time of Mass, confessions and public exercises. Teachers were also expected to be acquainted with the rules of the school and they shared in the responsibility for exact enforcement. Infractions of school and class order were to be referred daily to the proper authority.[39]

the first of fifteen rules governing student conduct centers attention on the supernatural and natural aim of their school training To reinforce this high aim, the third, fourth, fourteenth and fifteenth rules, which are corollaries of the first, provide for regular attendance at Mass, devout reception of the Sacraments, diligence and attention in learning Christian doctrine and faithful practice of Christian virtues. Other directives were concerned with external conduct in the classroom, study activity, the choice of reading material, and worthwhile use of leisure time.[40]

In its informal aspect the discipline of these early Jesuit schools was intended to encourage in students an attitude of mature deliberation and a sense of responsibility toward the duties of school life. School experiences were not meant to be part of an artificial conditioning process for future life but a realistic participation in social and moral activity which is an integral part of all normal human living. The discipline of the Ratio with its multiple appeal to reason and worthy example was an effective and practical means toward the attainment of the ultimate goal—an educated Christian and gentleman.

Conclusions

The present study dealt with the provisions of the Ratio Studiorum with respect to development of character in the Jesuit student. A basic program for effective character structure was found to underlie a wide variety of regulations governing organization, curriculum, and method. As a result of the findings it was possible to draw certain general conclusions which indicate the attitude of the Ratio with respect to character [222] formation and the demands which its character program makes on teachers and students in the Jesuit school.

Despite the fact that the directives of the Ratio touched on a wide variety of elements which had a psychological bearing on the formation of character a definite unity of procedure was evident. This unity was an internal one which stemmed from a fundamental unity of purpose. Thus, to achieve the aims of its character program the Ratio insisted on close integration of intellectual and moral training. This integration of intellectual and moral elements was to be extended to all aspects of the school's instructional and disciplinary activities.

The second conclusion of this investigation was that in all its character forming activity the Ratio demanded a realistic and objective approach. The Jesuit school sought to provide an effective medium for the transition from the subjective and emotional instability of adolescence to the mature and responsible outlook of Christian manhood. The Ratio was not concerned with providing an easy or effortless way to character. It required of the student persevering effort and the sacrifice of subjective impulses to the objective claims of morality.

The Ratio placed exacting demands on the vocational ethos of the teacher. It presupposed a supernatural outlook combined with a deep sense of responsibility and a practical devotion to the profession of Christian educator. The teacher was in a real sense the center and spirit of the Ratio system since it was largely through his initiative and directive influence that the Ratio goal of formation rather than mere information would result.

The Ratio also made exacting demands on the student. He was expected to assume his share of responsibility for mental and moral growth. The natural and supernatural motivation of the Ratio presupposed a high degree of generous, unrestrained cooperation. Regularity and perseverance were required in the practice of supernatural obligations as in the performance of routine class work. Self-mastery was neither an effortless objective nor one to be accomplished over night. It was an essentially active process calling for sustained effort to keep conduct in conformity with a variety of directives covering individual and group action.

Finally, the Ratio made a distinctive contribution to the field of character education by the inherent and natural adaptability of its method. There was no need to make character training a formal subject of the curriculum. Through the medium of everyday teaching, disciplinary and organizational activity, the influence of the Ratio's program communicated itself naturally and without strain to the character of the Jesuit student.

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Footnotes:

1. Luis Martín, S.J., "Adhortatio de Studendi Ratione, ad Scholasticos in Collegio Exaaten," Woodstock Letters 22:105–7, 1893.

2. Allan P. Farrell, S.J., The Jesuit Code of Liberal Education (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1938), p. 403.

3. Constitutiones Societatis Jesu Latinae et Hispanicae cum earum declarationibus (Madrid: 1892), IV, c. 7, n. 2.

4. Ibid., c. 16, n. 1.

5. Ratio of 1599, Reg. Prov. 40; Rector 1; Comm. Cl. Inf. 1, 4; Edward A. Fitzpatrick, St. Ignatius and the Ratio Studiorum (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.), pp. 137; 195–6.

6. Farrell, op. cit., p. 422.

7. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf., 3–9; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 195–97.

8. Josephus Juvencius, S.J., De Ratione Discendi et Docendi (Paris: Delalain, 1809), II, cap. 1, art. 1–2.

9. Juvencius, op. cit., I, cap. 2, art. ii.

10. Juvencius, op. cit., I, cap. 2, art. ii–iii.

11. Loc. cit.

12. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 1, 5; Reg. externorum 1–7; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 1995–6; 240–42.

13. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 1, 3, 5–6; Reg. Externorum 14–15; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 195–96; p. 243.

14. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 6, 8; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., p. 196; Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 1, art. i–iii.

15. Ratio of 1599, Reg. Externorum 1–15; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 241–43.

16. Juvencius, op cit., II, cap. 1, art. i–iii.

17. Loc. cit.

18. Ratio of 1599, Reg. Externorum 1, 6–15; Comm. Cl. Inf. 31–4; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 241–43; 203–4; Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 2, art. iii, n. 3.

19. Juvencius, op. cit., I, cap. 2, art. ii.

20. Juvencius, op. cit., I. cap. 2, art. i, no. x.

21. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 31, 35–36; Acad. 7–11; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 203–05; 241–46.

22. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 41–43; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 206–7; Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 2, art. i–ii, v.

23. Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 3, art. i–ii.

24. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 1–10; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 195–7.

25. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 5; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., p. 196.

26. Farrell, op. cit., p. 357.

27. Ratio of 1599, Rector 23; Acad. 2; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 142–3; 243–4.

28. Jaime Castiello, S.J., Geistesformung, Beitrage zur experimentellen Erforschung der formalen Bildung (Berlin, 1934).

29. Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 1, art. ii; cap. 3, art. i–ii.

30. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 39–40; Praef. Stud. Inf. 11, 38, 41; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 205–6; 191–88.

31. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 1–9; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 195–6.

32. Juvencius, op. cit., I, cap. 3, art. 2.

33. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 19–22, 31, 36; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 199–200, 203–5; Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 2, art. iii.

34. Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 1, art. i–iii.

35. Ratio of 1599, Acad. 1–12; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 243–6.

36. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 39; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 205–6.

37. Loc. cit.; Juvencius, op. cit., II, cap. 3, art. i.

38. Ratio of 1599, Comm. Cl. Inf. 40; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., p. 206.

39. Ratio of 1599, Praef. Stud. Inf. 1–2, 43–46; Comm. Cl. Inf. 39, 41; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., 176, 188–9; 205–6.

40. Ratio of 1599, Reg. Externorum 1–15; Fitzpatrick, op. cit., pp. 241–3.

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Source: Eugene J. Devlin, S.J., "Character Formation in the Ratio Studiorum," Jesuit Educational Quarterly 15, no. 4 (March 1953): 213–222.

Monday, December 7, 2020

The Disconnect Between Catholic Academics and Daily Living

One of my personal complaints against Catholic philosophy and theology for the past 100 years or so has been its increasingly academic, specialized nature and consequently its lack of immediate application to daily Catholic living. Of course, there are many counterexamples to this sentiment, but even in many of those counterexamples, one will find the same specialized, technical handling hindering its consumption by a wider, literate lay audience.

For example, take the notion of the universal call to holiness, promoted officially in Lumen Gentium, ch. 5. Bishop Sheen famously said we have entered the age of the laity. Paul VI and John Paul II promoted the same notion when they advocated repeatedly for evangelization efforts to be taken up by the lay faithful, which is tied up with the universal call to holiness since the soul of the apostolate is sanctity and the end point of evangelization is sanctity. In this ongoing academic discussion, what have we instead witnessed? Decades and decades (if not over a century) of theological disagreements over the exact nature of the development of the spiritual life and its application to apostolic work, all under the heading of spiritual theology. These are necessary debates, to be sure, but what certain, concrete conclusions may be drawn from them and given to the layman for use? Instead, many will find it much easier and more practical to read one of the classic works of spirituality, such as the Introduction to the Devout Life or the Spiritual Combat or a book of meditations by St. Alphonsus. In other words, the theological battles of the 20th century that led to the promotion of this idea that we are in the age of the laity and that the laity have a newfound responsibility to promote the causes of Our Lord through the sanctification of the world have no palpable application for actual laypeople living in the world. They must return to older works by the Saints and Doctors who had no such theological concerns in order to begin to live in a manner that the 20th century theologians have called for. Hence the disconnect between academic, specialized life and concrete lay life. 

Or take another example, the case of aesthetics. Especially in the past few decades, we have heard touted the famous line, "Beauty will save the world." Bishop Barron has been an ardent proponent of this approach to evangelization--we draw people in by beauty. Peter Kreeft has mentioned that he was partly converted by the beauty of older Catholic Churches (never mind that he was also converted by a serious reading of the Church Fathers). Yet when one skims through the academic literature conducted by Catholic philosophers and theologians on aesthetics, one is left scratching his head whether we stand on firm ground by upholding such an approach or what such a pithy phrase even means metaphysically, let alone in its concrete application to a methodology for evangelization. In the conversation between Bp. Barron and the Protestant philosopher and apologist William Lane Craig, Craig almost scoffed at the idea that we can merely evangelize through beauty. Craig's experience (and his reference to sociological data to support his experience) is that people leave the faith or question the faith because they perceive it to be intellectually bankrupt. The moral bankruptcy of ecclesiastical figures then "seals the deal" on their leaving the practice of religion. In Craig's estimation (and many of his colleagues who have spent decades in Christian philosophy and evangelization work), people need the assurance and proof that the Christian faith has deep, intellectual anchors, and that these anchors have real application to daily living. While beauty might appeal and draw a person in, that intuitive attraction needs to be fleshed out conceptually if the person is to stay since intuitions, like emotions, are fleeting, but convictions rest on habits of thinking.

Hence in Barron's approach, one can see that a "Catholic" commentary on culture and the arts is interesting and provides much food for thought, it doesn't actually explain why the Catholic faith is true or how the Catholic conception of religious life applies to daily living. A commentary on a movie or a song may serve a springboard for an interesting conversation and may open one's aesthetic appreciations, it is hard to perceive that such an approach would have anything close to the corrective effects that Craig's and other apologists' approach has been, which directly addresses the errors of thinking in modern society and how these errors in turn trickle down into wider culture.

To be fair, the approaches of Barron and Craig are not mutually exclusive, and these two men are approaching their goals based on their very different experiences. It is conceivable that some complementary, third way or tiered method of evangelization that makes use of both approaches may be conceived and developed, but this very need to do so, and the technical precision with which it must be done for philosophical and theological accuracy, affirm my initial contention: the theology of evangelization is fundamentally disconnected from the practice of it.

The Church in fact had encountered this difficulty with Catholic Action. Fervent Catholic men and women leading political causes on behalf of Christ the King ended up being more political than Catholic, and the Church was often pressed into the difficult decision of how to support these movements in the midst of very difficult political maneuvering from the 19th century and on. Reflecting on the role of Catholic Action, perhaps one may say that the multifaceted causes that feed political and social movements are almost impossible to fully analyze especially in the moment, and an apostolic effort to steer or influence those movements, to avoid getting lost in the uncertainty of the present, must remain firmly grounded on the supernatural foundation of prayer, trust in God, and sacrifices. And the fruits of one's efforts may not be seen in one's lifetime since these movements were centuries in the making.

And for a third example, it has often been remarked that Catholic morality has nothing to do with daily life. What this sentiment typically means is something twofold: 1) the Church has nothing to do with how I conduct my private or public life; and 2) the convoluted, casuistic reasoning of theological writings has little application for my daily living since there is no one to translate that reasoning into concrete norms suitable for a lay audience.

Of course, the first half of the sentiment is completely wrong and predicated on the success of post-Enlightenment liberalism + the way of life made possible by industrial, technical, medical advances (=modernity), but the second half is often reflecting a truth. The moral reasoning that upheld Catholic living increasingly not only disagreed with modern moral sentiments, but it also increasingly had nothing to do with how modern moral frameworks conceived and articulated themselves and hence nothing to do with how people went about their daily moral decision-making once those frameworks trickled down into popular culture. These are points far better articulated and discussed by Alasdair MacIntyre in his works for the past 40 years. 

In other words, the arguments of Humanae Vitae literally have nothing to say to the "modern man" (whatever that means). It is inconceivable to a modern person how metaphysical and theological arguments around the nature of the marital act could have conclusions against acts like contraception since the marital act is not even conceived as reserved to marriage, and certainly not with any outdated metaphysical or theological accoutrements.

Pro-life arguments often take a mostly secular line of reasoning and not even from natural law considerations but arguments from the science/biology of conception, the application of a liberal society's conception of human rights and dignity, etc. One can retroactively or anachronistically apply natural law "tailoring" to those argumentative approaches, but for the pro-life movement to have such widespread support, it must fundamentally appeal to modern sentiments: liberalism, science, dignity, rights, etc. These all make the most sense within a Catholic metaphysics, but they cannot be articulated as such by the widespread; otherwise we would lose the support of the Evangelicals and pro-life secularists, and the movement would most likely fall apart. Hence one even has the paradox that abortion is conceivable as a "right" only within a liberal paradigm and yet one argues against that right using the same paradigm that makes it possible. Within a Catholic milieu, there would be no possible way of thinking that one had a "right" to abortion and hence no need to argue against it using the same conceptual framework.

But regardless, moral arguments from the Catholic tradition are stereotypically caricaturized as debates on "how many angels dance on the head of a pin." To summarize: they are useless, impractical, academic, convoluted, etc.

This all of course being a long-winded preface to my next consideration, the morality surrounding the Covid vaccine. To be continued...

Wednesday, September 23, 2020

Authenticity of the Vatican Standard of Modesty with Documentation

I want to thank this anonymous comment left on "Repost: Modesty in Dress (June 1958)" which provides a thorough history of the documentation surrounding the Vatican Standard of Modesty and also definitively locates its original Italian publication in the Bollettino del Clero Romano 8 no. 10 (Oct. 1928), 134. This is a major step forward in clarifying the confusing history of this publication. For example, it corrects Fr. Kunkel's original, but mistaken, statement that he found the standard in L'Osservatore Romano, when in fact it was published in the above-mentioned Bollettino.

As I noted in my reply to the comment, "Even if Pius XI may not have seen and/or explicitly promoted these particular directives, nevertheless clearly bishops and theologians took the directives as expressing the authentic mind of the Holy See, despite all the subsequent and inexplicable confusions surrounding its origins and related documentation from the various Curial offices." This is verified for example in this quotation from the Homiletic and Pastoral Review

"The words of the Sacred Congregation of Religious quoted by our correspondent are very helpful to the priests and Catholic educators inasmuch as they express the mind of the Holy See on the subject of immodesty in women's dress" (emphasis mine).

I've reposted this comment below (with accompanying footnotes) unedited for everyone's edification:

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Hello,

In case you are still interested in establishing the authenticity of the Vatican Standards, here is some new information.

These standards were issued by Cardinal-Vicar Basilio Pompili [2]. They were then translated into French [3], and this translation was successively quoted by Bishop Rouleau [6 p. 20], Bishop Decelles [7 p. 538] and Bishop Douville [8 p. 359].

Unfortunately, the translation [3] has a number of flaws:

(1) "che non scenda un poco più giù del ginocchio" (which does not fall a bit below the knee) has been translated into "qui descend à peine au-dessous des genoux". This sounds to me like the knees have to be covered by a large margin, which is an overstatement of what the original standard asks for. Note that this problem is also present in the English translation.

(2) "quante frequentano l'Istituto da Lei diretto" (all those who attend the institution over which you preside) has been translated into "toutes les personnes qui dirigent votre institution" (all those who preside over your institution).

(3) The words "che pur professano di appartenere al gregge di Gesù Cristo e alla sua Chiesa", the whole paragraph "Sarà Nostra cura [...] i deplorati abusi" and the words "della S. C. dei Religiosi" have been omitted without notice.

(4) The words "auxquelles nous vous prions de vous conformer dans la direction de votre établissement" are not present in the original text.

The two last omissions are particularly unfortunate, because they can mislead one into thinking that the guidelines were included in the directions issued by the Congregation of Religious [1] and later referred to by the Congregation of the Council [5], which are quoted just before. This kind of confusion has indeed been observed repeatedly; for an extreme instance, see [11-12], whose account is completely at variance with the historical facts.

I have no similar explanation, however, as to why such confusion is widespread in the English speaking world as well (and it has been since an early date, as your post [4] shows).

By the way, while it seems plausible that Pope Pius XI at least read and approved Cardinal Pompili's standards, as far as I know even that is not yet conclusively established. Therefore, it is probably best to refrain from claiming that these standards were written by order of the Pope, as some people do [10 p. 13].


References:

[1] Commentarium pro Religiosis 9 (1928), 414-415. Quoted in [2]. An English translation is given in [9].


[2] Cardinal B. Pompili, "Circolare alle Superiore degli Istituti religiosi femminili", Bollettino del Clero Romano 8 no. 10 (Oct. 1928), 134.

https://archive.org/details/circolare-alle-superiore-degli-istituti-religiosi-femminili


[3] "Les modes inconvenantes", La Documentation Catholique no. 491 (Oct. 1929), 655-656.

https://archive.org/details/les-modes-inconvenantes


[4] Immodest Women's Dress, The Homiletic and Pastoral Review 30 no. 1-6 (Oct. 1929 to March 1930), 171-173.

https://rugwig.blogspot.com/2018/07/repost-immodest-womens-dress.html


[5] Sacra Congregatio Concilii, "Instructio ad ordinarios diœcesanos: De inhonesto feminarum vestiendi more", Acta Apostolicæ Sedis 22 (1930), 26-28.

http://www.vatican.va/archive/aas/documents/AAS-22-1930-ocr.pdf


[6] Bishop R.-M. Rouleau, "Circulaire au clergé", 6 April 1930, part I, in Mandements, lettres pastorales et circulaires des Évêques de Québec 13, suppl. 33, 15-20.

https://archive.org/details/mandementslettre13glis/page/n638


[7] Bishop F.-Z. Decelles, "Circulaire au clergé", 15 Sept. 1933, part III, in Mandements des Évêques de Saint-Hyacinthe 18, 537-540.

https://archive.org/details/circulaire-au-clerge/page/n5


[8] Bishop A. Douville, "Lettre pastorale et mandement", 22 July 1944, in Mandements des Évêques de Saint-Hyacinthe 21, 353-361.

https://archive.org/details/lettre-pastorale-et-mandement


[9] "Rome’s Decrees on Modesty in Dress", Marylike Crusader, Nov.-Dec. 1963.

https://ladyofperpetualhelp.weebly.com/

https://www.national-coalition.org/modesty/moddecre.html


[10] R. T. Hart, Those Who Serve God Should Not Follow the Fashions, 6th edition, 2017 (1st edition 2003).

http://sicutincaelo.org/downloads/TWSG_Read.pdf


[11] "Règles de l'Église sur la modestie", Vers Demain, Aug.-Sept. 2007, 15.

https://docplayer.fr/85502325-En-preparation-du-congres-eucharistique-2008-a-quebec-ravivons-notre-devotion-a-la-messe-du-dimanche-et-a-la-sainte-eucharistie.html


[12] "Règles de l'Église sur la modestie", Vers Demain, March-April 2009, 7.

https://docplayer.fr/79586446-L-eglise-reaffirme-les-valeurs-du-mariage-et-de-la-famille.html

Friday, November 8, 2019

Hard on the Girls (1928)

To the Editor:—

"Our sympathy may be wholly wasted, but occasionally these cold mornings, especially on the draughty street cars, we feel a tug of pity for the girls. They sit huddled in their knee-length coats, their legs protected only by sheer stockings, holding them close together, perhaps unconsciously in a pitable [sic] attempt to encourage warmth. The gooseflesh is sometimes visible. It may be true, as some contend, that the average woman, and more particularly the young girls who never wore long skirts, are seldom 'legconscious.' But that isn't true on such mornings as Jan. 3rd. They are 'legconscious,' painfully so, but it's their business, and perhaps they count the cost small for the effect obtained."

The above is an editorial from the N. O. Item-Tribune. It is timely and the point is well taken. These girls, and many older women too, expose themselves and their health to the cold and to the ridicule of others. From a sanitary and from an aesthetic point of view this abominable fashion stands condemned; but what of the moral point of view? According to the laws of God and of nature, and according to the teaching of Catholic theologians and the rules laid down by the Holy Father and the members of the hierarchy, this modern fashion is immoral. The average woman may not be conscious of the fact, but those of the other sex are. By tempting men and boys to commit sin, the women of to-day [sic] give grave scandal, and our Lord says of those who give scandal: "It were better for them that a millstone should be hanged around their neck and they should be drowned in the depth of the sea."

But what about Catholic girls and women who, in defiance of the laws of God and the regulations laid down by the Holy Father and the hierarchy, appear indecently clad even in the house of God! Not only for Holy Mass and Communion, but in particular for weddings? During the month of December, at several wedding ceremonies, in one of our "fashionable" churches, the brides and bridesmaids appeared half nude, and this is no exaggeration. Sleeveless, low-necked with bare backs and bare sides down to the waistline, they appeared in the sanctuary and remained there during Holy Mass. O tempora, o mores. "Woe to the world because of scandals," says our Lord (Matth. 18, 7). I am an old man, have seen the world, old and new, and I have some experience; but in all my life I had never to witness marriage ceremonies such as those I witnessed during the month of December, 1927. The parents of to-day have not the authority to regulate the dressing of their daughters and (sad to behold) some pastors have not the courage to enforce the laws of God and the regulations of the Church.

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Source: An Old Pastor, "Hard on the Girls" The Catholic Fortnightly Review 35, no. 5 (March 1928): 97.

Saturday, July 6, 2019

John Ruskin on Taste and Morality

The following is a wonderful application of the Aristotelian-Thomistic notion of virtue to culture and taste: a truly virtuous man takes delight in doing the good. A sign of his lingering viciousness is if he still finds it distasteful to do the good. And St. Thomas further suggests that art disposes us either to good or evil by how it affects us.

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Now, pardon me for telling you frankly, you cannot have good architecture merely by asking people’s advice on occasion. All good architecture is the expression of national life and character; and it is produced by a prevalent and eager national taste, or desire for beauty. And I want you to think a little of the deep significance of this word ‘taste;’ for no statement of mine has been more earnestly or oftener controverted than that good taste is essentially a moral quality. ‘No,’ say many of my antagonists, ‘taste is one thing, morality is another. Tell us what is pretty; we shall be glad to know that; but preach no sermons to us.’

Permit me, therefore, to fortify this old dogma of mine somewhat. Taste is not only a part and an index of morality — it is the only morality. The first, and last, and closest trial question to any living creature is, ‘What do you like?’ Tell me what you like, and I’ll tell you what you are. Go out into the street, and ask the first man or woman you meet, what their ‘taste’ is, and if they answer candidly, you know them, body and soul. ‘You, my friend in the rags, with the unsteady gait, what do you like?’ ‘A pipe and a quartern of gin.’ I know you. ‘You, good woman, with the quick step and tidy bonnet, what do you like?’ ‘A swept hearth and a clean tea-table, and my husband opposite me, and a baby at my breast.’ Good, I know you also. ‘You, little girl with the golden hair and the soft eyes, what do you like?’ ‘My canary, and a run among the wood hyacinths.’ ‘You, little boy with the dirty hands and the low forehead, what do you like?’ ‘A shy at the sparrows, and a game at pitch-farthing.’ Good; we know them all now. What more need we ask?

‘Nay,’ perhaps you answer: ‘we need rather to ask what these people and children do, than what they like. If they do right, it is no matter that they like what is wrong; and if they do wrong, it is no matter that they like what is right. Doing is the great thing; and it does not matter that the man likes drinking, so that he does not drink; nor that the little girl likes to be kind to her canary, if she will not learn her lessons; nor that the little boy likes throwing stones at the sparrows, if he goes to the Sunday school.’ Indeed, for a short time, and in a provisional sense, this is true. For if, resolutely, people do what is right, in time they come to like doing it. But they only are in a right moral state when they have come to like doing it; and as long as they don’t like it, they are still in a vicious state. The man is not in health of body who is always thirsting for the bottle in the cupboard, though he bravely bears his thirst; but the man who heartily enjoys water in the morning and wine in the evening, each in its proper quantity and time. And the entire object of true education is to make people not merely do the right things, but enjoy the right things — not merely industrious, but to love industry — not merely learned, but to love knowledge — not merely pure, but to love purity — not merely just, but to hunger and thirst after justice.

But you may answer or think, ‘Is the liking for outside ornaments, — for pictures, or statues, or furniture, or architecture, — a moral quality?’ Yes, most surely, if a rightly set liking. Taste for any pictures or statues is not a moral quality, but taste for good ones is. Only here again we have to define the word ‘good.’ I don’t mean by ‘good,’ clever — or learned — or difficult in the doing. Take a picture by Teniers, of sots quarrelling over their dice: it is an entirely clever picture; so clever that nothing in its kind has ever been done equal to it; but it is also an entirely base and evil picture. It is an expression of delight in the prolonged contemplation of a vile thing, and delight in that is an ‘unmannered,’ or ‘immoral’ quality. It is ‘bad taste’ in the profoundest sense — it is the taste of the devils. On the other hand, a picture of Titian’s, or a Greek statue, or a Greek coin, or a Turner landscape, expresses delight in the perpetual contemplation of a good and perfect thing. That is an entirely moral quality — it is the taste of the angels. And all delight in art, and all love of it, resolve themselves into simple love of that which deserves love. That deserving is the quality which we call ‘loveliness’ — (we ought to have an opposite word, hateliness, to be said of the things which deserve to be hated); and it is not an indifferent nor optional thing whether we love this or that; but it is just the vital function of all our being. What we like determines what we are, and is the sign of what we are; and to teach taste is inevitably to form character. As I was thinking over this, in walking up Fleet Street the other day, my eye caught the title of a book standing open in a bookseller’s window. It was — ‘On the necessity of the diffusion of taste among all classes.’ ‘Ah,’ I thought to myself, ‘my classifying friend, when you have diffused your taste, where will your classes be? The man who likes what you like, belongs to the same class with you, I think. Inevitably so. You may put him to other work if you choose; but, by the condition you have brought him into, he will dislike the other work as much as you would yourself. You get hold of a scavenger, or a costermonger, who enjoyed the Newgate Calendar for literature, and “Pop goes the Weasel” for music. You think you can make him like Dante and Beethoven? I wish you joy of your lessons; but if you do, you have made a gentleman of him:— he won’t like to go back to his costermongering.’

And so completely and unexceptionally is this so, that, if I had time to-night, I could show you that a nation cannot be affected by any vice, or weakness, without expressing it, legibly, and for ever, either in bad art, or by want of art; and that there is no national virtue, small or great, which is not manifestly expressed in all the art which circumstances enable the people possessing that virtue to produce.

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Source: John Ruskin, "Traffic," in The Crown of Wild Olive. Found at https://ebooks.adelaide.edu.au/r/ruskin/john/crown/lecture2.html

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James Spates's comment on the above passage when he was a professor:

On the not too distant past, I often read the Ruskin passage below to my students; after which, I passed out copies of it. I told them they could easily test out what he had in mind. They could go back to their dorm rooms and take a careful look at the posters, art, or pictures they had put on their walls and make a list of them. That done, they could make a second list: Of the music--titles of albums, songs, names of artists--they listened to regularly. Then they could make a third list: Of all the things they had posted on Facebook and Twitter during the past week. After that--always trying to get them to do a little sociology!--I suggested they might go and do the same sort of gazing at their friends' dorm room walls, asking those familiars to create similar lists of their own music favorites and social media "interactions," an request which, surely, these friends, being such, would be more than happy to oblige. (As it turned out, some of these folks weren't so eager to be friendly regarding such requests.) The last step was obvious: After thinking carefully about what was on their own walls and in their lists and comparing these with whatever friends' versions they had collected, they'd have a fairly accurate sense of what their, and these others', tastes were. I can honestly say that not a few of my young reporters reported being fairly appalled at what their taste appeared to be, appalled by what they found, or did not find, on the lists! (It might be useful to generate such lists ourselves.)

Source: http://www.victorianweb.org/authors/ruskin/spates5.html